And daddy won't you take me back to Muhlenberg County
Down by the Green River where Paradise lay?
Well, I'm sorry my son, but you're too late in asking;
Mister Peabody's coal train has hauled it away[1]
The Tennessee Valley Authority is no stranger to lawsuits. In its first five years of existence, the nascent agency was sued forty-one times, including two notable cases appealed to the Supreme Court.[2] In the years since, plaintiffs have challenged TVA for its projects’ impacts on the environment,[3] endangered species,[4] tribal lands,[5] and more. In response to such pressure, TVA has reduced its reliance on fossil fuel pollutants. Now, in the agency’s words, “TVA is committed to transitioning to green energy,” promising to reduce its carbon footprint by 70% by 2030 and to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.[6]
As TVA’s policies have evolved in recent years, so too have its legal adversaries. Once primarily environmental advocates fighting for cleaner air and water, plaintiffs now include fossil fuel-dependent interest groups resisting the transition to green energy. This paper reveals how TVA's energy transition exposes a critical blind spot in environmental justice frameworks. When federal agencies artificially separate economic impacts from environmental justice concerns, they fundamentally misunderstand what justice means for communities built around coal. Paradise, Kentucky didn't just lose a power plant—it lost its economic foundation, and current legal frameworks provide no adequate remedy for this form of environmental injustice.
Part I of this paper outlines TVA’s legal obligations under the TVA Act and NEPA, situating its energy transition within broader environmental justice mandates. Part II examines Kentucky Coal Association v. TVA as a case study of how current frameworks fail coal-dependent communities. Part III critiques the limits of TVA’s environmental justice analysis and regulatory compliance. Finally, Part IV concludes by offering legal and policy reforms to guide TVA—and other public utilities—toward a more equitable, just transition.
I. TVA’s Dual Mandate and Evolving Legal Framework
Prior to 1933, the Tennessee River valley presented difficult living conditions, with most farmers operating without electricity or running water, stifling both productivity on the farm and morale at home.[7] In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Tennessee Valley Authority Act, intending to combat both human and economic problems through the introduction of electricity to the region.[8] Within twelve years, sixteen new dams in the Tennessee valley provided previously unthinkable opportunities for the people of the region.[9] Today, TVA is the largest public energy provider in the United States, serving ten million people in seven states, and its mission statement remains to “harness the potential of the rich resources in the Tennessee Valley region to make life better for the people who call it home.”[10]
TVA's founding represented a radical reimagining of public infrastructure, creating an organization with a complex and at times contradictory mandate. From its inception, TVA was tasked with simultaneously driving economic development, protecting environmental resources, providing affordable electricity, and supporting local communities, a set of responsibilities that would prove increasingly challenging in future decades.[11] This dual mandate created a fundamental paradox: an organization designed to support regional economic growth must now guide those same communities through a transformative energy transition that threatens their existing economic structures.
Largely in response to growing concerns about energy security,[12] the TVA Act was amended by the Energy Policy Act of 1992, requiring TVA to develop comprehensive planning processes that evaluate traditional power sources alongside conservation, efficiency measures, and renewable energy to provide reliable service at the lowest system cost.[13] This amendment significantly altered TVA's operational framework by emphasizing a more environmentally responsible approach to energy planning.[14] Under the amended TVA Act, TVA is now required to consider not only traditional power sources, such as coal and natural gas, but also energy conservation, efficiency improvements, and the integration of renewable energy resources into its energy portfolio.[15] This shift reflects a growing recognition of the need for sustainable energy solutions and the TVA’s responsibility to balance the demands of economic development, environmental protection, and energy security. TVA’s duties under the Act also extend to ensuring that its energy generation methods align with both federal and state environmental standards, including regulations regarding air quality, water use, and waste disposal.[16]
The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), enacted in 1970, requires federal agencies (such as TVA) to assess the environmental impacts of their proposed actions before making decisions.[17] As a federally owned corporation, TVA is subject to NEPA's procedural mandates and must evaluate how its projects, such as power plant closures, infrastructure development, and fuel source changes, might affect the environment.[18] NEPA does not compel TVA to choose the most environmentally friendly alternative, but it does require the agency to take a “hard look” at the consequences of its actions and to consider less harmful alternatives.[19] If a proposed action is likely to significantly affect the environment, TVA must prepare a detailed Environmental Impact Statement (EIS), analyzing potential effects, alternatives, and mitigation measures, while also allowing for public input.[20] If the environmental impact is uncertain or possibly significant, TVA may first conduct an Environmental Assessment (EA).[21] If impacts appear minimal, TVA may proceed with a Finding of No Significant Impact (FONSI); otherwise, it must prepare an EIS.[22]
In 1994, President Bill Clinton issued Executive Order 12898, directing federal agencies to identify and address disproportionately high and adverse environmental and health impacts on minority and low-income populations.[23] A landmark step in embedding environmental justice into federal policy, the Order requires agencies to integrate environmental justice considerations into their programs, policies, and activities, particularly through the lens of existing statutory duties such as those under NEPA.[24] For TVA, this means that when planning energy projects, it should assess not only environmental impacts broadly, but also how those impacts may uniquely affect vulnerable communities within its service area.[25] While TVA is not explicitly bound by the Order, it claims to routinely consider environmental justice impacts in project planning.[26]
II. The Story of Kentucky Coal
Muhlenberg County, Kentucky, with a population of around 30,000,[27] is perhaps best known today as the home of country-folk legend John Prine.[28] But for nearly twenty years, Muhlenberg County was the epicenter of the coal industry in Kentucky.[29] In 1963, TVA constructed Units 1 and 2 of the Paradise Fossil Plant in Paradise, Kentucky,[30] and only nine years later, coal production in Muhlenberg County peaked at 26 million tons per year and 3,765 coal miners employed.[31] By 2016, these numbers had decreased drastically: coal production was down 88% since peak production, and only 400 persons were employed at coal facilities in Muhlenberg County.[32]
In response to the plant’s “aging condition” and “TVA’s transition to a cleaner energy portfolio,” Paradise Fossil Plant was retired in 2017 and replaced with Paradise Combined Cycle Plant, a natural gas facility.[33] But closure of the plant was not TVA’s only option. In fact, TVA considered two options when deciding what to do with the Paradise units: (1) TVA could retrofit the Paradise units with new pollution controls and maintain coal-fired production, or (2) TVA could shut down coal generation and switch to natural gas.[34] TVA initially chose the first option, but after a year of environmental study, decided to switch from coal to natural gas at Units 1 and 2.[35] The Paradise Plant transition and subsequent litigation in Kentucky Coal Association v. TVA serve as a revealing case study of how TVA balances—or fails to balance—environmental goals with local economic stability. Through this lens, one can examine how environmental justice considerations are incorporated into TVA's statutory obligations during energy transitions.
In Kentucky Coal Association v. TVA, industry interest groups sued to halt the switch of Paradise Units 1 and 2 from coal to natural gas, arguing that TVA had acted arbitrarily under both the TVA Act and under NEPA.[36] The industry groups claimed two main points: first, that TVA failed to follow its statutory “least-cost planning program” by choosing the more expensive natural gas option over retrofitting coal units; and second, that TVA failed to conduct a full environmental impact statement as required by NEPA, instead relying on a less comprehensive environmental assessment.[37]
The court ultimately ruled in favor of TVA, finding that the agency had not acted arbitrarily.[38] Regarding the TVA Act claim, the court determined that “costs” meant more than just dollars and cents, and included environmental considerations.[39] The court also found that TVA's Integrated Resource Plan gave the agency flexibility in its decision-making for specific plants. As for the NEPA claim, the court concluded that TVA's 165-page EA, which explored various environmental impacts and concluded that switching to natural gas would have no significant negative impact on the environment, was sufficient to meet regulatory requirements.[40]
A central tension in the case concerned potential socioeconomic impacts on residents of Muhlenberg County. The plaintiffs predicted devastating economic effects on the surrounding community, including jobs lost, potential outmigration of industry, and higher poverty rates.[41] However, the court noted that under NEPA regulations, “economic or social effects are not intended by themselves to require preparation of an environmental impact statement.”[42] While TVA did consider these effects in its assessment, finding that there would be some negative impacts (including a 2% reduction in the county's workforce), the court deferred to TVA's conclusion that these impacts would not significantly affect the human environment enough to warrant a full environmental impact statement.[43]
III. The Limits of Current Legal Frameworks
While the court affirmed TVA’s compliance with existing law, the decision underscores how current regulatory frameworks fail to protect communities like Muhlenberg County—highlighting the urgent need to rethink how we define environmental justice in an era of decarbonization. However, the court's decision sidelined the plaintiffs' concerns about socioeconomic impacts on the largely low-income region, accepting TVA's limited consideration of these effects as sufficient under the law. This ruling reveals a critical gap in how environmental decision-making addresses community economic welfare. To better understand how TVA approaches environmental justice considerations in practice, one must examine TVA’s EA methodology and the extent to which it meaningfully engages with community impacts beyond procedural compliance.
TVA's environmental justice analysis in the Paradise EA at issue in Kentucky Coal represents precisely the kind of superficial approach that undermines the core principles of environmental justice. While the EA acknowledges higher-than-average poverty rates across the labor market area—with Muhlenberg County having a poverty rate of 20.5% compared to the national average of 14.3%—it dismisses environmental justice concerns with a cursory determination that there are “no identified concentrations” of disadvantaged populations.[44]
This approach fundamentally misunderstands environmental justice as merely a demographic counting exercise rather than a substantive examination of how environmental decisions affect vulnerable communities. First, it confines “environmental justice” to racial demographics without meaningfully addressing economic vulnerability as an environmental justice concern.[45] The fact that 20.5% of Muhlenberg County—a community historically dependent on the very industry being phased out—lives below the poverty line should have triggered a more robust analysis of how plant closure decisions would affect these vulnerable populations.
Second, the EA contains no evidence of community engagement or consultation with affected residents, despite Executive Order 12898's emphasis on meaningful involvement of potentially affected communities. Meaningful involvement means more than simply notifying the public; it requires that affected communities are given a real opportunity to participate in decisions, that their input can shape the outcome, and that agencies proactively engage those most impacted to ensure their voices are heard and considered.[46] Simply noting statistical averages without investigating lived experiences falls far short of environmental justice principles.
Third, and perhaps most critically, the EA artificially separates economic impacts from environmental justice concerns. When examining the natural gas conversion option, the EA plainly acknowledges that “approximately 170 workers would be employed for operating Unit 3” and that the total workforce would decrease by “up to a 49 percent reduction in employment at PAF.”[47] It further recognizes that coal mine closures would affect “about 500 workers,” with Western Kentucky miners comprising “9 percent of regional coal mine employment.”[48] Yet remarkably, these substantial economic impacts are not considered relevant to the environmental justice analysis.
IV. Bridging the Gap: Policy Solutions for Equitable Transitions
On April 8, 2025, President Donald Trump signed an executive order aimed at reviving America’s coal industry.[49] The Order amends Executive Order 14241 by directing agencies to roll back regulations on coal, streamline permitting, promote clean coal technology, and boost coal exports.[50] While signing the Order in a room full of coal miners in hard hats, President Trump stated, “Beautiful, clean coal . . . Never use the word ‘coal’ unless you put ‘beautiful, clean’ before it.”[51] The Order reflects a growing trend among policymakers to combat the dying coal industry by reframing it as vital to energy security and economic resilience, emphasizing technological innovation in emissions reduction, and advocating for policy reforms that position coal as a cleaner, competitive energy source in both domestic and global markets.[52]
But a turn away from coal is inevitable.[53] Despite efforts to revitalize the industry through deregulation and rhetorical rebranding, the economic and environmental realities continue to drive a transition toward cleaner, more sustainable energy sources. Market forces, not federal policy, have been the primary catalyst behind coal's decline, as natural gas, wind, and solar power have proven to be cheaper, more efficient, and more scalable.[54] Moreover, mounting pressure from international climate commitments, as well as public demand for cleaner air and a livable planet render coal’s resurgence both impractical and short-lived.[55] While political efforts may delay the transition, they cannot reverse the trajectory. The global energy landscape is shifting, and coal, regardless of how “beautiful” or “clean” it is described, no longer holds a central place in that future.
Given the tension between national policy efforts to preserve coal and broader global momentum towards decarbonization, many academics and policymakers have turned toward a “just transition” approach—an effort to “[ease] the burden decarbonization poses to those who depend on high-carbon industries.”[56] As Ann Eisenberg articulates in her seminal article on the topic, a just transition framework recognizes that the costs and benefits of decarbonization will inevitably “fall unevenly on different communities.”[57] The concept originated in the labor movement as a “superfund for workers”[58] and has evolved into a principle that acknowledges the need for economic equity in environmental decision-making, particularly for communities that have developed dependency relationships with fossil fuel industries.[59]
The Paradise Plant EA exposes fundamental flaws in TVA's approach to environmental justice that demand comprehensive reform. TVA's superficial analysis—treating economic vulnerability as separate from environmental justice considerations—fails to address the complex reality of communities like Muhlenberg County. For communities historically built around coal, environmental and economic concerns are inextricably linked.[60] When TVA artificially separates a 49% workforce reduction from its environmental justice analysis, for example, it misses the core principle that economic dislocation in vulnerable communities is itself an environmental justice issue.
To meaningfully address these shortcomings, TVA should implement three essential reforms. First, TVA should transform its decision-making processes to ensure substantive community participation. Rather than consulting affected communities as a procedural afterthought, TVA should establish mechanisms for meaningful engagement throughout project planning, from initial conception to implementation. In Muhlenberg County, this would have meant engaging local residents, workers, business owners, and officials well before deciding to close the Paradise Fossil Plant.
Had TVA implemented this recommendation prior to the Paradise closure decision, the outcome might have looked markedly different. Instead of presenting two already-formulated alternatives (retrofit or conversion to natural gas), TVA could have conducted a series of community forums to understand local economic dependencies, workforce capabilities, and community priorities.[61] These insights might have revealed innovative hybrid solutions—perhaps a phased transition that allowed more time for economic adaptation or local investment in emerging clean energy manufacturing to absorb displaced workers.
The current approach—where TVA conducts technical analyses internally and presents findings for comment—fundamentally misunderstands the value of local knowledge. Muhlenberg County residents, having lived through previous coal market fluctuations, possess unique insights about economic diversification opportunities that could have informed a more tailored transition strategy.[62] Their participation would not only improve procedural justice but would likely produce substantively better outcomes by incorporating local knowledge about economic vulnerabilities and opportunities. While this approach would require significant institutional changes in how TVA conducts planning, it would better fulfill TVA's founding mission to serve Tennessee valley residents rather than simply provide electricity to them.[63] By treating community members as partners rather than subjects of technical decisions, TVA would reconnect with its original purpose as a regional development agency.
Second, drawing from successful models like Colorado's Office of Just Transition, TVA should create a dedicated institutional structure specifically tasked with managing the socioeconomic dimensions of its energy transition. Colorado's approach combines targeted workforce support programs with economic development investments in former coal communities and engagement with affected stakeholders to ensure plans reflect local needs and capacities.[64]
In the case of the Paradise plant closure, such an office could have coordinated tailored workforce development programs aligned with regional economic opportunities, administered community revitalization funds, and ensured that the benefits of clean energy development flow to the communities most affected by fossil fuel facility closures. For instance, the EA acknowledged that approximately 170 workers would maintain employment at Unit 3, while up to 49% of the workforce would be eliminated, but offered no concrete plans for these displaced workers.[65] In this way, rather than simply acknowledging economic impacts as an unfortunate side effect, TVA would proactively manage them as core components of successful energy transition. This approach acknowledges that public support for decarbonization hinges on protecting vulnerable communities from bearing the brunt of the transition.
Third, Congress should pursue legislative reforms to strengthen TVA's statutory obligations to transitioning communities, such as amending the TVA Act to explicitly incorporate just transition principles. In Muhlenberg County's case, stronger statutory requirements would have fundamentally altered TVA's decision-making calculus. Under current interpretations of the “least-cost planning” mandate, TVA considered emissions, fuel costs, and reliability, but had no obligation to factor the costs of community economic displacement into its formal assessment.[66] With statutory amendments, TVA could have been required to quantify and mitigate the economic impacts on Muhlenberg County's workforce and tax base.
For instance, if the TVA Act explicitly required economic impact mitigation as part of plant closure decisions, TVA might have been compelled to establish an economic development fund for Muhlenberg County proportional to the economic disruption caused. Such a fund could support infrastructure improvements, small business development, and educational or workforce initiatives that would help the county transition beyond coal dependence.[67] Additionally, amended statutory language could have required TVA to consider phased closure options that allow more time for economic adaptation. By codifying these responsibilities, Congress would ensure that TVA's historic mission to “make life better for the people who call it home” extends to supporting communities through difficult transitions.
These recommendations are not without limitations. Engaging communities can be a slow process, and it does not always produce clear consensus. Dedicated transition offices require funding and bureaucratic reorganization. Statutory changes would undoubtedly face significant political hurdles in a polarized Congress. However, these proposals represent pragmatic, politically viable first steps toward a more just energy transition. By acknowledging both the inevitable shift away from coal and the legitimate concerns of coal communities, they chart a middle path between those who would artificially prolong coal's dominance and those who would simply allow market forces to determine community fates regardless of human cost.
By implementing these reforms, TVA can transform its approach to environmental justice from a demographic counting formality to a substantive framework that addresses the deep historical inequities in fossil fuel-dependent communities. Rather than viewing the clean energy transition merely as an environmental imperative with unfortunate economic side effects, TVA can approach its clean energy transition as an opportunity for comprehensive community renewal. In doing so, TVA would not only fulfill its unique dual mandate, but it would also provide a national model for how public utilities can navigate the critical intersection of environmental protection, economic justice, and community well-being.
Conclusion
The environmental justice analysis in TVA's Paradise Plant EA represents a missed opportunity to address the profound challenges faced by coal-dependent communities in the clean energy transition. As Kentucky Coal demonstrates, current legal frameworks and agency practices too often treat economic impacts as separate from environmental justice concerns, creating a false dichotomy that fails to protect vulnerable communities. As the nation progresses toward a greener future, TVA stands at a crossroads: it can either reproduce the inequities of past energy regimes, or it can lead the way in crafting a truly just transition—one that honors its historic, unique mission while embracing a sustainable future. Decades ago, Mr. Peabody’s coal train “hauled away” the town of Paradise; now, TVA must ensure that clean energy does not haul away what is left.
LAYTON COKER is a J.D. candidate at the University of Tennessee College of Law, where he serves as Editor-in-Chief of the Tennessee Law Review. He has spent both of his law school summers as a summer associate at Bass, Berry & Sims in Nashville and will clerk for Chief Judge Emily C. Marks of the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama following graduation. His academic interests include environmental law, federal courts, and the intersection of law and economic justice.
NOTES
[1] John Prine, "Paradise," on John Prine (A&R Studios 1971).
[2] K.S. Lomax, The Tennessee Valley Authority, Nature, May 1942, at 592; see Ashwander v. Tenn. Valley Auth., 297 U.S. 288 (1936) (upholding TVA’s constitutionality under the Commerce Clause and the War Powers Clause); Tenn. Elec. Power Co. v. TVA, 306 U.S. 188 (1939) (upholding TVA’s constitutionality under the Ninth and Tenth Amendments).
[3] Nat’l Parks Conservation Ass’n v. Tenn. Valley Auth., 502 F.3d 1316, 1320 (11th Cir. 2007).
[4] Tenn. Valley Auth. v. Hill, 437 U.S. 153, 153 (1978).
[5] Sequoyah v. Tenn. Valley Auth., 480 F.Supp. 608, 611 (E.D. Tenn. 1979).
[6]Carbon Reduction, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/energy-system-of-the-future/carbon-reduction#:~:text=We%20are%20executing%20a%20plan,the%20ways%20we%20deliver%20power.
[7]Life Before TVA, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/kids/tva-history/life-before-tva#:~:text=most%20farms%20produced%20just%20barely,well%2C%20stream%2C%20or%20lake.
[8]16 U.S.C. § 831; Bruce J. Schulman, From Cotton Belt to Sunbelt: Federal Policy, Economic Development, and the Transformation of the South, 1938-1980 (1991).
[9] Richard Lowitt, Tennessee Valley Authority, in The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Environment 154-56 (Martin V. Melosi, ed., 2007) (“TVA in the postwar years continued to play a leading role in the economic development and transformation of the valley . . . [B]y 1980 Decatur, Ala., for example, had 20 Fortune 500 companies within the Tennessee River environs. Barges on the river were moving more than 30 million tons of freight. A more balanced economy, agricultural and urban, had been established in large part through the efforts of the TVA. In a half-century, the valley had been transformed from a deprived, eroded, flooded area where the per capita income was $168 to a modern region with an income nearly 80 percent of the national average. The towns of the region, in contrast with those of neighboring central Appalachia, had an air of solid prosperity.”).
[10] About TVA, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/about-tva.
[11] See Lowitt, supra note 9, at 157.
[12] Staff of Sen. Comm. on Energy and Nat. Res., 103d Cong., Legislative History of the Energy Policy Act of 1992 iii (Comm. Print 1994).
[13] 16 U.S.C § 831m-1(b)(1).
[14] 42 U.S.C. 134.
[15] Id.
[16]Environmental Policy, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/environment/environmental-stewardship/environmental-policy.
[17] What is the National Environmental Policy Act?, EPA, https://www.epa.gov/nepa/what-national-environmental-policy-act.
[18] Ky. Coal Ass’n v. TVA, 68 F. Supp. 3d 703, 708 (W.D. Ky. 2015).
[19] At its core, NEPA is procedural rather than substantive, as it does not mandate specific environmental outcomes but ensures that environmental factors are considered in agency decision-making. See id.
[20] Id.
[21] Id.
[22] Id.
[23] Exec. Order No. 12898, 59 Fed. Reg. 7629 (Feb. 11, 1994).
[24] Id.
[25] Sustainability, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/environment/environmental-stewardship/sustainability.
[26] EA 160.
[27] U.S. Census Bureau, Muhlenberg County, Kentucky: 2024.
[28] John Prine Discusses His Life and His Formation in Music (Studs Terkel radio broadcast 1975).
[29] Muhlenberg County was the leading coal-producing county in Kentucky from 1961 to 1977. Kentucky Coal Facts, Ky. Energy & Env’t Cabinet, https://eec.ky.gov/Energy/Coal%20Facts%20%20Annual%20Editions/Kentu cky%20Coal%20Facts%20-%2017th%20Edition%20(2017).pdf.
[30] Plants of the Past, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/energy/our-power-system/coal/plants-of-the-past. At the time, these units were the largest operating units in the world. Id.
[31] Kentucky Coal Facts, supra note 29.
[32] Id.
[33] Paradise Combined Cycle & Combustion Turbine Plant, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/energy/our-power-system/natural-gas/paradise-combined-cycle-plant. These reasons given by TVA belie the controlling reason for the closure of Paradise Fossil Plant: in 2012, EPA told TVA that it needed to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions from several plants, including Paradise. Ky. Coal Ass’n v. TVA, 804 F.3d 799, 801 (6th Cir. 2015); see 77 Fed. Reg. 9304.
[34] Ky. Coal Ass’n, 804 F.3d at 801.
[35] Id.
[36] Id.
[37] Id.
[38] Id. at 800.
[39] Id. at 802 (“[T]he plaintiffs contend it was unreasonable for the TVA to pick the more expensive option . . . . But [costs] also includes ‘harms that [a decision] might do to human health or the environment.’ The TVA considered all of these costs when making the Paradise decision, and it reasonably concluded that its decision would do more good than ill when measured by these considerations.”) (quoting Michigan v. EPA, 567 U.S. 743, 752 (2015)).
[40] Id. at 804.
[41] Id. at 806.
[42] Id. (quoting 40 C.F.R. § 1508.14.)
[43] Id.
[44] Tenn. Valley Auth., Paradise Fossil Plant Units 1 and 2 Mercury and Air Toxics Standards Compliance Project: Muhlenberg County, Kentucky (hereinafter “EA”), 104 (Nov. 2013), https://tva-azr-eastus-cdn-ep-tvawcm-prd.azureedge.net/cdn-tvawcma/docs/default-source/default-document-library/site-content/environment/environmental-stewardship/environmental-reviews/paradise-fossil-plant-units-1-and-2/paradisefea.pdf?sfvrsn=8b0527b1_2.
[45] EA at 106.
[46] Environmental Justice-Related Terms as Defined Across the PSC Agencies, EPA (May 13, 2013), https://www.epa.gov/sites/default/files/2015-02/documents/team-ej-lexicon.pdf.
[47] EA at 106.
[48] Id.
[49] Exec. Order No. 14241 (Apr. 8, 2025). The Order states: “It is the policy of the United States that coal is essential to our national and economic security. It is a national priority to support the domestic coal industry by removing Federal regulatory barriers that undermine coal production, encouraging the utilization of coal to meet growing domestic energy demands, increasing American coal exports, and ensuring that Federal policy does not discriminate against coal production or coal-fired electricity generation.” Id.
[50] Order 14241 directs immediate action to boost domestic mineral production by streamlining permitting, prioritizing extraction on federal lands, and reducing dependence on foreign mineral imports. Id.
[51] Brad Plumer & Mira Rojanasakul, Trump Signs Orders Aimed at Reviving a Struggling American Coal Industry, N.Y. Times (Apr. 8, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/08/climate/trump-order-coal-mining.html.
[52] See, e.g., Manchin, FERC Commissioners Agree: Ongoing Need for Coal in America’s Energy Mix, U.S. Sen. Comm. on Energy & Nat. Res. (May 4, 2023), https://www.energy.senate.gov/2023/5/manchin-ferc-commissioners-agree-ongoing-need-for-coal-in-america-s-energy-mix ; Senator Barrasso: Coal and Natural Gas are Essential to Meeting America’s Growing Demand for Energy, U.S. Sen. Comm. on Energy & Nat. Res. (May 21, 2024), https://www.energy.senate.gov/2024/5/senator-barrasso-coal-and-natural-gas-are-essential-to-meeting-america-s-growing-demand-for-electricity ; Natasha Geiling, Trump Appointee Tells Coal Industry That His Job is to be “an Advocate” for Coal, ThinkProgress (Feb. 1, 2018), https://archive.thinkprogress.org/trump-official-purpose-advocate-for-coal-industry-c2026d644308/. See Shannon Elizabeth Bell, Fighting King Coal: The Challenges to Micromobilization in Central Appalachia 18-21 (MIT Press 2016) for a narrative about state-level political battling over coal dependence in coal-dominated West Virginia.
[53] See Casey Mosely, The Renewable Future: Protecting Workers in a Green Economy, 3 Tenn. J.L. & Pol’y 107, 107. (“The transition from fossil fuel energy sources to renewable energy sources is widely regarded as a virtual certainty in the coming decades.”).
[54] Plumer & Rojanasakul, supra note 52.
[55] See Shannon Osaka, Wind and Solar Energy are Booming in Surprising Places, Wash. Post (Nov. 15, 2023), https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-solutions/2023/11/15/clean-energy-investment-coal-communities/; see also Paris Agreement, Dec. 12, 2015, U.N. Doc. FCCC/CP/2015/10/Add.1, art. 2.
[56] Ann Eisenberg, Just Transitions, 92 S. Cal. L. Rev. 273, 273 (2019).
[57] Id. at 274.
[58] See id. at 285 (“Referencing the superfund—a federally-financed program to clean up toxic wastes in the environment—suggested [a ‘just transition’] was an analogous remedial measure, but for human beings.”).
[59] Id. at 278.
[60] See Bell, supra note 52, at 16.
[61] A powerful contrast to TVA’s top-down approach is Washington State’s Department of Commerce, which, following its Clean Energy Transformation Act, conducted community forums across the state prior to finalizing utility rules. These agency-led sessions gave frontline communities a direct voice in shaping what a just energy transition should look like, a model TVA could have adopted in Paradise to better align its decision-making with its public service mission. See Memorandum from Glenn Blackmon, Energy Pol’y Dir., Wash. Energy Pol’y Off. (Mar. 10, 2025), https://deptofcommerce.app.box.com/s/s1e55ut07ln4gerkrdj74f486gwru385.
[62] See Bell, supra note 52, at 24-25.
[63] See About TVA, Tenn. Valley Auth., https://www.tva.com/about-tva.
[64]Colorado Just Transition Action Plan, Colo. Dep’t of Lab. & Employment, https://cdle.colorado.gov/sites/cdle/files/documents/Colorado%20Just%20Transition%20Action%20Plan.pdf.
[65] EA at 106.
[66] EA at 135.
[67] See Micah Carper, From the Ruhr Velley to Ramp Hollow: Lessons for America from Germany’s Just Energy Transition, 35 Tul. Envtl. L.J. 91, 96-100 (2022) for an example of Germany’s labor training and infrastructure improvements in its just transition away from coal.

